「新刊速递」《太平洋评论》(TPR) ,Vol. 35, No. 2, 2022 | 国政学人

期刊简介

《太平洋评论》（The Pacific Review）是太平洋地区研究的主要平台，作为跨学科期刊，其宗旨和目标为打破研究领域之间以及学术界、新闻界、政府和商界之间的壁垒，重点关注政策问题。2020年该刊的影响因子为2.432。

本期目录

1

揭示弱国的施动性动态

Unpacking the dynamics of weak states’ agency

2

理解泰国在变动的全球和地区环境中的施动性

Making sense of Thailand’s agency in changing global and regional environments

3

缅甸的生存斗争：争夺自主性与施动性

Myanmar’s struggle for survival: vying for autonomy and agency

4

印度尼西亚如何在有争议和复杂的地区环境中实践施动性？

How does Indonesia exercise agency in the contested and complex regional environment?

5

越南在二十一世纪不断增长的施动性

Vietnam’s growing agency in the twenty-first century

6

柬埔寨正在形成多面向的外交政策和施动性

Cambodia’s multifaceted foreign policy and agency in the making

7

反思与意义：方法论和理论化

Reflection and implication: Methodology and theorizing

文章摘要

揭示弱国的施动性动态

题目：Unpacking the dynamics of weak states’ agency

作者：Yong-Soo Eun，韩国汉阳大学政治科学与国际研究系；Amitav Acharyab，美国大学国际服务学院；Chanintira na Thalang，泰国国立法政大学政治学院国际事务系。

摘要：这篇导言性文章为本期特刊提供了理论基础和背景，探讨了亚洲弱国如何在二十一世纪的地区或全球环境中实现和行使其施动性。本文首先思考了弱国的施动性为何能被注意到。弱国往往被视为国际政治的“客体”而不是“主体”，其外交政策行动通常被视为对外部约束（例如国际体系中权力平衡的波动）的“反射”。本文不同意这种观点，而是认为，无论在国际体系中的物质能力方面地位如何，弱国都可以表现出多样的施动性。为了澄清这一点，本文对变化层出的全球和地区环境与秩序进行了反思。本文不是透过大国政治及其标志性的“极性”概念来看待它们，而是提出了另一个概念，即“多元复杂”世界，并确定了其中秩序的关键本质: 多元性和流动性。物质权力和规范权力已经并将继续变得支离破碎、去中心化、分散于国家内部和国家之间。本文强调，这样一个多面向和不断变化的世界为弱国发挥施动性开辟了广泛的渠道，同时也指出，弱国有着多样的施动性潜力。

This introductory article provides rationales and contextual background for the special issue which examines how weak states in Asia actualise and exercise their agency in the twenty-first century regional or global environments. The article opens with a consideration of why attention is drawn to the agency of the weak. Weak states are often treated as ‘objects’ of international politics rather than ‘subjects’, and their foreign policy actions are commonly taken to be ‘reflexive’ of external constraints, such as fluctuations in the balance of power in the international system. We disagree with this view. We argue that weak actors can demonstrate varieties of agency regardless of their position in the international system in terms of material capabilities. To clarify this point, the article reflects on the changed and changing global and regional environments and order. Rather than seeing them through the lens of great power politics and its signature concept of ‘polarity’, the article offers an alternative notion, namely a ‘multiplex’ world, and identifies the key nature of order therein: multiplicity and fluidity. Both material and normative power have already and continue to become fragmented, decentralised, and dispersed within and across states. While emphasising that such a multifaceted and fluid world opens up a wide avenue of agency for weak actors, this article also notes that the weak has varieties of agency as potentials.

理解泰国在变动的全球和地区环境中的施动性

题目：Making sense of Thailand’s agency in changing global and regional environments

作者：Chanintira na Thalang，泰国国立法政大学政治学院国际事务系。

摘要：根据本期特刊导言中提出的主题，本文探讨了二十一世纪全球政治对泰国施动性的影响。有人认为，尽管当前世界秩序的多维挑战对泰国实现预期结果的能力造成的限制较少，但国内政治不稳定和美国对东南亚国家总体的矛盾心理，使泰国在大国竞争中如何处理自己的立场变得复杂。然而，这些复杂性不应被解释为限制施动性的因素。尽管与中国保持着密切的关系，曼谷还是设法通过各种方式来提高实现预期结果的能力，以维护该国的自主。基于泰国的经验，本文揭示了使用更加开放式的方法的重要性，这些方法同样关注那些在国内和国际层面上使弱国的施动性复杂化、增强和约束的因素。本文还为进一步研究国家施动性的非物质来源提供了机会。

In line with the themes presented in the introduction to this special issue, this article explores what impact twenty-first century global politics has had on Thailand’s agency. It is argued that while multi-dimensional challenges of the current world order have posed fewer constraints on Thailand’s capability to achieve intended outcomes, internal political instability and the U.S. ambivalence towards Southeast Asia on the whole complicates how Thailand navigates its position amidst the U.S.-China rivalry. However, these complications should not be construed as factors that restrict agency. Despite maintaining a close relationship with China, Bangkok has managed to find various ways to enhance its ability to achieve intended outcomes in order to protect the country’s autonomy. Based on Thailand’s experience, this article reveals the importance of using more open-ended approaches that pay equal attention to factors that complicate, enhance and constrain weaker state agency at both the domestic and international levels. It also offers opportunities for further research into non-material sources of state agency.

缅甸的生存斗争：争夺自主性与施动性

题目：Myanmar’s struggle for survival: vying for autonomy and agency

作者：M. L. Pinitbhand Paribatra，泰国国立法政大学政治学院国际事务系。

摘要：尽管在现存的文献中，用来描述缅甸外交政策的术语有所不同，但在实践中，缅甸自独立以来一直采取中立和不结盟的外交政策，以避免被卷入二战后的全球和地区权力斗争。正如现实主义观点所表明的那样，缅甸的行为是一种基于其内在局限性的理性选择，这种局限性在于一个典型的弱国必然会顺应系统性的压力和变化。然而，正如讨论所表明的那样，弱国也可以是相对自主的，有能力在处理国内安全问题和挑战的同时，在国际上对强国奉行独立的外交政策。同时，基于西方经验的现有国际关系理论通常不把国家当作一个有凝聚力的单位。相反，国家应被视为一个分散的单位，其各部门拥有不同程度的施动性，可以与国际和国内各级的其他行为者互动和作用。为了理解缅甸的外交政策行为，本文考察了该国在应对国际秩序的流动性和多维内部不稳定性方面是如何实现其施动性渠道的。

Despite terminological variations used to characterize Myanmar’s foreign policy within the extant literature, in practice Myanmar has adopted a foreign policy of neutrality and non-alignment since independence to avoid being drawn into global and regional post-World War II power struggles. As realist perspectives suggest, Myanmar’s behavior is a rational choice derived from inherent limitations that a typical weaker state must inevitably conform to the systemic pressures and changes. However, as the discussion illustrates, a weaker state can also be relatively autonomous and possess the ability to pursue independent foreign policies in relation to more powerful states at the international level while dealing with unit-level domestic security problems and challenges. Meanwhile, it is essential not to treat the state as a cohesive unit, as commonly done within existing IR theories based on the experiences of the West. Rather, the state should be treated as a fragmented unit in which its segments possess varying degrees of agency to interact and leverage with other actors at both the international and domestic levels. In order to understand Myanmar’s foreign policy behavior, this article examines how the country has actualized its avenue of agency in coping with both the fluidity of international order and the multidimensional internal instability.

印度尼西亚如何在有争议和复杂的地区环境中实践施动性？

题目：How does Indonesia exercise agency in the contested and complex regional environment?

作者：I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana，印尼艾朗加大学社会政治学院国际关系系。

摘要：亚太地区或印太地区最近的事态发展表明，出现了一个有争议的地区和正在展开的地区秩序。正如在特刊导言的介绍中所论证的那样，在多样性方面，所有利益相关者（包括弱国，不一定是上位者）都参与了秩序建设的过程。本文探讨印度尼西亚作为东盟最大的成员国，如何在中美间存在争议的地区格局中寻求自己的主体地位。本文的观点是，印尼提倡的基于规则的互动概念，超越了占主导地位的大国政治，成为一种有可能创建多元化地区秩序的施动性。这种施动地位提供了一个基础，让我们重新思考常用于理解中小国家对大国的外交政策的既有对冲概念框架的相关性。作者认为，印度尼西亚以不同的方式对冲，展示了一种可能有助于全球国际关系研究的独特概念。

Recent developments in the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region have illustrated the emergence of a contested region and unfolding regional order. Within the multiplicity, as argued in the introduction of the special issue, all stakeholders, including the weak state actors, not necessarily the superior ones, are participating in the process of order-building. This article looks at how Indonesia, the largest member country of ASEAN, pursues its agency amid the contested regional formulations between China and the US. The argument is that Indonesia promotes its concept of a rules-based interaction beyond the dominant great power politics, as a potential agency enabling the creation of a pluralised regional order. This agential position provides the basis to rethink the relevance of the established conceptual framework of hedging commonly used to understand small and middle powers’ foreign policies toward the major players. The author sees that Indonesia hedges in different ways, demonstrating a distinct conceptualisation which is likely to make a contribution to the project of Global IR.

越南在二十一世纪不断增长的施动性

题目：Vietnam’s growing agency in the twenty-first century

作者：Thuy T. Do，越南外交学院国际政治与外交系。

摘要：世界正在经历一个权力从西方向东方转移和权力从主要国家向全球权力结构下层扩散的双重过程。然而，在这些动态变化中，学术界对于探索弱国的外交政策思维和实践的努力还不够。本文分析了冷战后越南世界观的变化模式、越南对地区安全秩序的参与，特别是当前越南对威胁的感知以及对中国崛起和南海争端等地区性挑战的战略回应。本文将追溯曾被视作中小国家的越南，如何在二十一世纪提升其施动性程度，使一个新兴的中等国家可以在一个多面向和不断变化的世界中游刃。本文基于越南的案例提出，弱国不再仅受制于结构性发展，现在也可能在塑造地区或世界秩序方面拥有更大的施动性。这将有助于丰富现有的西方主导和结构导向的对中小国家的观念。

The world is witnessing a dual process of power shift from West to East and power diffusion from the major states to the lower layers of the global power structure. However, inadequate scholarly endeavour is devoted to exploring the foreign policy thinking and practices of weaker states amid these dynamics. This paper analyses the changing patterns of Vietnam’s post-Cold War worldview, its engagement with the regional security order, particularly its current threat perception and strategic response to regional challenges such as China’s rise and the South China Sea disputes. It will trace how Vietnam, previously perceived as a small to medium country, has increased its agency in the twenty first century to the extent that an emerging middle power can maneuver in a multifaceted and fluid world. It argues from the case of Vietnam that weaker states are not merely dictated by structural developments but may now have greater agency in contributing to shaping regional or world orders. Such investigation will help enrich both the existing Western-dominated and structure-oriented accounts on small and middle powers.

柬埔寨正在形成多面向的外交政策和施动性

题目：Cambodia’s multifaceted foreign policy and agency in the making

作者：Vannarith Chheang，新加坡东南亚研究所、柬埔寨亚洲视野研究所。

摘要：在这个不断演变的多面向和去中心的世界中，弱国为实现其国家利益不得不时常有力地重新审视和调整其外交政策。虽然柬埔寨物质资源有限，且经常面临外国干预，但这并不意味着柬埔寨失去了施动性。在国际体系的流动性和多样性不断上升的背景下，弱国拥有一定的战略回旋余地。柬埔寨一直在调整其外交政策姿态，以适应和驾驭迅速变化的地缘政治形势和趋势，以保持其独立性和战略自主。如此，得以生存和发展。本文认为，柬埔寨优先考虑其国内议程和利益，采取对冲策略以减轻风险，推进多边主义，并加强东盟驱动的地区架构。

Amidst the evolving multifaceted and decentralized world, weak state actors are compelled to regularly and robustly revisit and readjust their foreign policy policies to meet national interests. Although Cambodia has limited material resources and faces constant foreign intervention, it does not mean that Cambodia is not entirely without agency. Within the context of rising fluidity and multiplicity of the international system, weak states have certain strategic space to manoeuvre. Cambodia has been adjusting its foreign policy posture to adapt to and navigate the fast-changing geopolitical landscapes and trends to maintain its independence and strategic autonomy. By doing so, it can survive and thrive. The paper argues that Cambodia prioritizes its domestic agenda and interests, exercises a hedging strategy to mitigate risks, advances multilateralism and strengthens ASEAN-driven regional architecture.

反思与意义：方法论和理论化

题目：Reflection and implication: Methodology and theorising

作者：Yong-Soo Eun，韩国汉阳大学政治学和国际研究系。

摘要：本文阐述了以下两个问题及其意义。首先，作为分析人士，我们如何才能为弱国在当前以多样性和流动性为特征的全球政治和经济环境中的施动性和行为提供令人信服的解释？其次，成就或影响弱国施动性的主要因素是什么？以及在什么条件下，施动性得到加强或限制？尽管国际关系学科的大量文献都说明当今世界对于何种主体或问题是全球政治的重点的讨论高度复杂且多样，但弱国及其施动性的议题仍未得到充分讨论。此外，该学科的方法论和理论化问题仍然是一片蓝海。通过反思本期特刊的主要论点和实证结果，这篇结论性文章提出了“开放式”分析折衷主义作为替代方法论/分析方案的理由，并为在二十一世纪变化层出的全球环境中构建弱国施动性理论奠定了初步基础。

This article elaborates on the following two questions and their implications. First, how can we as analysts offer compelling explanations for weak states’ agency and behaviours in the current global political and economic environments marked by multiplicity and fluidity? Second, what are the major causal factors that enable or influence weak actors’ agency, and under what conditions is their agency facilitated or constrained? Although an extensive literature in the discipline of International Relations (IR) confirms that today’s world is highly complex and diverse in terms of who or what matters in global politics, the subject of weak states and their agency is still not adequately discussed. Furthermore, the issues of methodology and theorising for the subject remain uncharted territory. By reflecting upon the main arguments and empirical findings of our special issue, this concluding article makes a case for ‘open-ended’ analytic eclecticism as an alternative methodological/analytical scheme, and lays preliminary ground for theorising weak states’ agency in the changed and changing global environments in the twenty-first century.

编译 | 朱文菡

审校 | 杨沛鑫

排版 | 崔莹佳

文章来源于《太平洋评论》(The Pacific Review) , 2022年第2期。文章评译内容为公益分享，服务于学术科研教学工作，不代表国政学人观点。